While African-Americans will continue to vote Democratic for at least a generation or two, Hispanics and Asian-Americans are ready for coalition building today — around core Republican principles.

In the wake of Senator and former Majority Leader Trent Lott’s public rhetorical musings about his fondness for the late South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond’s earlier days as a segregationist Dixiecrat, GOP Conference Chairman Rick Santorum (R-PA) decided that Republicans needed a new approach to lure minority voters. As reported by The Hill newspaper shortly after the demotion of Senator Lott, Santorum insisted that “Republicans tend not to understand the need to communicate their message, especially to reach out to specific groups such as African-Americans.” After thinking about what he said, and further examining the new Senate Republican plan of action to woo minorities, I had no choice but to put pen to purpose and briefly join the debate on this highly contentious issue.

Besides being the right thing to do, reaching out to minorities is also politically astute for the Republican Party, given the changing demographics that now constitute the diverse mosaic of the American family. However, throughout the entire text of The Hill article, and subsequent comments made by Senator Santorum, the word minority seems to incrementally morph into African-American. I hope that this is only a rhetorical oversight, and not an objective synopsis of how Republican national leaders view, and aim to address, this very important issue within the Party.

One does not have to be an academic statistician to understand the relevant demographic numbers gingerly residing in the latest U.S. Census Report. However, not wanting to swim in a sea of minutia, I will avoid a data-centric analysis, and simply ruminate about the political implications of the report for the GOP. Hispanics now constitute the largest minority group in the United States, and tend to reside in five of the most important and electorally rich states; California, Texas, New York, Florida, and Illinois. The Asian community has also seen a steady population growth throughout the United States over the past decade, already becoming an influential voting bloc in voter rich California, where the Republican Party has not even been able to remain competitive in statewide elections in recent years, Governor Schwarzenegger excepted.

Both Hispanics and Asians have demonstrated an electoral flexibility in national and statewide elections. For instance, although President Bush clearly didn’t receive the majority of Hispanic votes in the 2000 Presidential race, and garnered only about half of the Asian-American vote, each group showed a willingness to listen to both political parties, and cast their votes based on what they heard. Many Hispanics, who are overwhelmingly Catholic and socially conservative, seem to feel comfortable within the more culturally traditional GOP. At the same time many Hispanics retain their support for a pro-active and growing social welfare state. The Asian-American community, better educated and wealthier than Hispanics, tend to gravitate toward pro-business and entrepreneurial Republican principles on regulatory and trade issues, and possess strong community support for lower taxes. At the same Asian-Americans also tend to be more secular and socially progressive than Hispanics, feeling uncomfortable at times in the company of religious conservatives.

Given the objective facts stated in the previous paragraph, you would think that the Republican Party and its leaders would be concentrating their outreach efforts, candidacy recruitment, and communications strategy, on minority groups that have demonstrated a growing interest in being courted by the Republican Party and its candidates for political office. However, by any lucid analysis of this new GOP wonder plan to court minorities, the entire emphasis of this ill-conceived strategy seems to be on wooing the one minority group that has consistently been the most loyal voter constituency for the Democratic Party, African-Americans.

When former President Bush nominated Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court in 1990, he immediately faced a torrent of opposition from the African-American community at large, and by the usual suspects within the civil rights community.  Almost the entire Republican establishment was ready, willing, and able to come to the defense of this very qualified and deserving African-American Judge. Over a decade later, the same can’t be said for an Hispanic man who was clearly being groomed to become a colleague of Justice Thomas.

Miguel Estrada, President George W. Bush's now former nominee for the US Court of Appeals, a partner in one of the nation's preeminent law firms, withdrew his name for consideration after an avalanche of Democratic opposition to his nomination. Over the past few years he has methodically built a reputation as a brilliant legal mind, and one of the best appellate lawyers in the country. At a relatively young age he has already skillfully argued 15 cases before the US Supreme Court. He also received, after a thorough and complete examination of his record, a “well qualified” rating for a judicial nominee by the liberal and activist American Bar Association (ABA). That is its highest possible rating. Mr. Estrada’s exemplary legal record is buttressed by an equally impressive personal story. He came to this country as a teenager from impoverished Honduras and graduated at the top of his class from Harvard Law School. Such a talented and successful legal scholar should be a national hero, and one of the most important recruitment tools for the GOP in its efforts to court the Hispanic vote.

Now let’s carefully review the reality. The day after the Senate Judiciary Committee approved Miguel Estrada, New York Democratic Senator Charles Schumer remarked, and I quote, “Estrada's stance of neutrality and objectivity simply aren't credible.” That is Senate speak for “he’s a shifty liar.” This could be interpreted as an insensitive, if not stereotypical racist remark, but only if made by a Republican Senator. Such an uplifting statement by Senator Schumer was quickly followed by some more rhetorical mudslinging by the liberal Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and the Leadership Conference of the Hispanic and Black Congressional Caucuses. In vehemently voicing their opposition to Mr. Estrada’s ascendancy to the US Court of Appeals, they concluded, "Miguel Estrada has neither demonstrated that he understands the needs of Latino Americans, nor expressed interest in the Latino community. A thorough review of his sparse record indicates that he would probably make rulings that roll back the civil rights of Latinos. Simply being a Latino does not make one qualified to be a judge.”

So where was the ferocious media relations counter-attack that would have emboldened Hispanics who are looking for Republican leaders in positions of power to defend their public figures and interests in the face of these sinfully intolerant remarks by liberal Democratic activist groups? Where were the pro-active press conferences to support Mr. Estrada, with the participation of such groups as the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Hispanic National Bar Association, both of which fully and enthusiastically supported his nomination? Where were the press releases touting poll numbers in the Hispanic Media that reflected strong support for Miguel Estrada in the greater Hispanic community, from Cuban-Americans in Florida to Mexican Americans in California and Texas? Finally, why were Senate Republicans so reluctant to play hardball politics against those who have cynically and systematically used the “race card” to serve their own political interests and agenda? Not in order to continue to divide us as a people, as the opposition to Mr. Estrada has gleefully attempted to do since he was first nominated; but to unite and rally the country behind an inclusive and unifying figure of both promise and possibility who was not blessed at birth with an Anglo-Irish Kennedy surname.

What is the Hispanic community supposed to think when they remember the type of support that the Republican establishment provided to Justice Clarence Thomas over a decade ago, even though there was little support for him within the African-American community? Unfortunately, a similar type of support never seemed to materialize within the Republican Party for Miguel Estrada, even though his nomination would have been equally as significant to the Hispanic community. This, even though Latinos have been far more willing than African-Americans to support the Bush Administration and Republican candidates across the country. This seemingly benign national Republican attitude concerning the nomination of Miguel Estrada, and on other issues of concern to the Hispanic community, may cause them to openly wonder if the Republican establishment truly values their significant contributions to our nation — especially on Election Day in 2004.

Since the genesis of the modern Civil Rights movement, in the early sixties, many African-Americans have looked to the federal government and courts to remedy social and economic grievances. This is clearly due to the debilitating evil of continuing institutional racism, manifested in the halls of power of the most regal Southern statehouses. So when the GOP talks about states rights, the subjugation of the federal government and courts' regulatory power, and a free trade, pro-growth entrepreneurial business model for the country, African-Americans see a diminution of federal protection, an erosion of their constitutional rights, and economic displacement due to jobs in low end manufacturing moving overseas. It is an understandable interpretation of Republican principles by African-Americans, in the context of their past community relationship with the GOP. This is why they overwhelmingly support the Democratic Party, which believes that the federal government and courts should be the primary instrument to protect, defend, and expand the protection of rights and opportunities for African-Americans. 

I am sure that most forward-thinking Republicans would love to carefully weave Republican principles into the fabric of a one-size fits all garment that comfortably fits every American, regardless of their race, gender, or ethnicity. But in politics, like horse racing, the key is to always be ahead of the curve, and win. If the Republican Party truly wants to remain the majority party, and once again be competitive in California, a state that Democrats must win in Presidential elections for the foreseeable future if they ever want one of their own residing at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue again, Republican leaders must opt for reality in the company of good intentions. African-Americans will continue to vote Democratic for at least a generation or two, while Hispanics and Asian-Americans are voter constituencies that are ripe and ready for coalition building today — around core Republican principles.

While Hispanics can deliver more votes, Asian-Americans can provide a substantial voting bloc in California, and even though the community and its interests are quite diverse, Asian-Americans have the potential to become a fundraising juggernaut for the Republican Party in both California and nationally. What’s the problem? There seems to be no visibly coherent communications strategy, developmental grass roots organizing, or candidate recruitment by the White House, Congressional Republicans, or the Republican National Committee (RNC), to tap into the financial resources and intellectual capital of Asian-Americans; and even the effort to court the growing Hispanic vote, which has been far more evident, has been woefully inept. What’s the solution? According to GOP Conference Chairman Rick Santorum (PA), it is to invest a great deal more financial resources and intellectual capital to better communicate the Republican message to the most loyal constituency group of the opposition party, African Americans. Does that make sense to anybody but Mr. Santorum? For the sake and future of the Republican Party, I hope not.