If enormous
influence in the academic world is a reliable indicator of intellectual
distinction, then Edward Said merited his reputation as one
of America's intellectual eminences. He taught a whole generation
of English professors to search for racism in writers (like
Jane Austen) who did not think as the professors do. He induced
a generation of Middle East scholars not only to believe that
"since the time of Homer...every European, in what he could
say about the Orient, was a racist, an imperialist" but
to ridicule "speculations about the latest conspiracy to
blow up buildings, sabotage commercial airliners and poison
water supplies" as "highly exaggerated [racial] stereotyping"
(this in a statement of 1997).
His acolytes also found meat and drink in Said's
pristinely ignorant pronouncements about Jews. They are not,
he claimed, really a people at all because Moses was an Egyptian
(he wasn't) and because Jewish identity in the Diaspora is entirely
a function of external persecution. The Holocaust (which destroyed
most of the potential citizens of a Jewish state) was in Said's
estimation a great boon to Jews because it served to "protect"
Palestinian Jews "with the world's compassion." Prior
to 1948, he asserted, "the historical duration of a Jewish
state [in "Palestine"] was a sixty-year period two
millennia ago."
Said's pronouncements about his fellow Arabs
were also widely influential. While bewailing the racist stereotyping
of Arabs by Western "Orientalists" Said insisted that
"there are no divisions in the Palestinian population of
four million. We all support the PLO." Said wrote this
while he was still a member of the Palestine National Council
and one of the closest advisors of Arafat, whom he praised for
"his microscopic grasp ... of politics...in the Gramscian
or Foucauldian sense." But at the same time that Said insisted
that "every Palestinian...is up in arms" against Israel,
that they all belonged to a monolithic body, acting and thinking
in perfect unison, he felt it necessary to urge the murder of
Arab "collaborators" with Israel. Indeed, he insisted
that "the UN Charter and every other known document or
protocol" sanctions such murders. Said eventually withdrew
his support from the PLO head not because Arafat had become
one of the major war criminals of modern times but because the
Oslo Accords showed him becoming "soft" on Israel.
Said's intense hostility to America also powerfully
influenced that sizable contingent of our academics whose motto
is "the 'other' country, right or wrong." He called
Operation Iraqi Freedom the crusade of an "avenging Judeo-Christian
god of war," fitting into the pattern of America "reducing
whole peoples, countries and even continents to ruin by nothing
short of holocaust." And, as usual, he blamed the Jews
for what he hated: "The Perles and Wolfowitzes of this
country" have led America into a war "planned by a
docile professionalized staff in ...Washington and Tel Aviv"
and publicly defended by "Ari Fleischer (who I believe
is an Israeli citizen)." (A 'New York Post' journalist
who attempted to find the source of Said's phony claim about
Fleischer located it in the website of the White Aryan Resistance
Movement.)
Far from making him an untouchable, Said's
past membership in an international terrorist organization,
his Disneyland versions of history, his thinly-veiled antisemitism
and blatant anti-Americanism made him a star in the academic,
literary, and intellectual worlds.
Said's last years were tainted by scandal.
In the September 1999 issue of 'Commentary,' Justus Reid Weiner
revealed that Said had "adjusted" the facts of his
life to create a personal myth, often told and poignantly embellished,
to fit the myth of Arab dispossession.
In July
of 2000 Said, during a visit to Lebanon, was spotted hurling
rocks over the border at Israelis, a perfect existential realization
of his intellectual violence against Jews. Much of his life,
after all, was devoted to spilling ink to justify Arafat's spilling
of blood.