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William F. Buckley,
having exposed his university for its Liberal imagination four
years prior, founded National Review in 1955. He hired a collection
of some of the greatest political theorists of any persuasion
of any time and place. His editors, columnists and writers included
minds whose ruminations stretched from Max Eastman’s bare-boned
libertarianism through Kirk’s ordered traditionalism to
Eric von Kuehnelt-Leddihn’s Carlist-imbued Catholicism.
Interspersed
amongst these were L. Brent Bozell, Jr. (Buckley’s brother-in-law
and the author of Goldwater’s “Conscience of a Conservative”),
James Burnham, John Chamberlain, Frank Chodorov, John Dos Passos,
M. Stanton Evans, Will Herberg, Francis G. Wilson and prominent
others. These intellectuals had two things in common: they weren’t
Liberals and they were fervent anti-communists.
Buckley’s
proposal for his new journal, his “credenda,” made
clear that,
“the century’s most blatant force of satanic utopianism
is communism…(We) find ourselves irrevocably at war with
communism and shall oppose any substitute for victory.”
Buckley was more than amiable in his embrace of all anti-communist
positions from extreme classical liberalism to extreme traditionalism,
so long as communism was defeated.
But it didn’t
work out well. His group of soldiers was strong (you might say,
“set”) in their ideological underpinnings. In-fighting
was rampant, editorial sessions, explosive – feelings
were hurt. Freedom theorists could not find commonalities with
their Order/Virtue colleagues.
Standing in the
midst of this internecine struggle was Frank S. Meyer (a former
communist, as were other NR staffers), a co-founding editor
of the new weekly and quite probably the closest advisor-warrior-confidante
of Buckley’s. Both were seeing a weakening in the with-it-ness
of the magazine’s crusade due to the variegated viewpoints
represented on the masthead.
And so it came to
pass that fusionism was born. Meyer saw little reason to believe
that libertarianism with its classical notions of individual
freedom and traditionalism with its Judeo-Christian belief in
order and virtue couldn’t make nice. For him, freedom
is an individual goal and can best be achieved in a society
in equilibrium. To this end, he edited a collection of writings,
“What is Conservatism?” which attempted to show
that after all, Conservatives despise all forms of Totalitarianism.
Their ideological orientation is merely a means to a desired
end. Many NR writers from the “conservative” spectrum
were featured along with their historical forerunners.
From Meyer’s
pen came “In Defense of Freedom: A Conservative Credo,”
a work designed to prove that order and virtue is concomitant
with freedom. The use of concomitance as a noun is telling.
What he was saying was that traditionalism can occur with libertarianism
in a lesser way. He was awarding the likes of Kirk, Voegelin,
and Weaver the coveted title of “Miss Congeniality.”
Not that he hid the fact. He acknowledges that the traditionalists
“staunchly held the line against the assault of utilitarianism,
positivism, and scientism, but on another level (they) failed
philosophically, deeply misreading the nature of man.”
Here’s the
crux: for Meyer,
(They) “ would not see the correlative to their fundamental
position: acceptance of the moral authority derived from Transcendent
criteria of truth and good must be voluntary if it is to have
meaning; if it is coerced by…force…it is meaningless.
(They ) were willing, if the right standards were upheld, to
accept an authoritarian structure of state and society. (They)
were, at the best, indifferent to freedom in the body politic;
at the worst, its enemies.”
He had fused two
traditions for expediency so as to fight the Cold War and to
propound his thesis that only the American System blended freedom
and virtue. He covered himself from the obvious skew in his
proposition by affirming that Hayek’s “The Road
to Serfdom” and Weaver’s “Ideas have Consequences”
were his most important influences. (NB: Meyer’s Marxist
predilection for antithetical prose).
The responses to
Meyer by right-wing intellectuals following the 1962 publication
of his book were numerous and vehement. While, on the surface,
NR’s editorial stance was calm and determined, the Meyer
furor would be read in the opinion section of the journal and
in other conservative publications.
Of the many answers
to Meyer’s political philosophy of fusionism, three stand
out as prime:
(1) Murray Rothbard
– the late, great libertarian concluded that fusionism
did not actually exist! He admitted that Meyer was a libertarian
– of sorts. Rothbard says,
“ In the one area where (he) differed substantively from
the libertarian position, reason as being ‘within tradition,’
I submit that the attempt was so badly fallacious that it can
only be explained as a heroic or desperate (depending on one’s
point of view) attempt to find a face-saving formula to hold
both very different parts of the conservative movement together…fusionism
often seems like an attempt to paper over the contradictions
within the…movement…Intellectually the concept must
be judged a failure…”
(2) L.
Brent Bozell,Jr. – the late, brilliant Catholic traditionalist
excoriated Meyer’s meld. For Bozell, “freedom”
was not sine qua non for seekers of virtue. Nash reports this
beautifully: “What,
after all, was virtue? If as Bozell argued, it meant conformity
with human nature and the divine pattern of order, then Freedom
was not necessary to virtue per se. An act could be virtuous
even if it were instinctive or coerced. The quest was less important
than the achievement. To Bozell, freedom, defined as ‘the
urge to be free from God,’ was not the highest value.
Ideally we should try to limit it, for ‘true sanctity
is achieved only when man loses his freedom – when he
is freed of the temptation to displease God.” One sees
clearly that Bozell was out of place at NR. In 1966, he founded
the journal, “Triumph.” He broke intellectual connections
with the American conservative movement in favor of the European
type of the Carlists. He brought Thomas Molnar and Eric von
Kuehnelt-Leddihn with him.
(3) Craig Schiller
– He presents the most incisive analysis of Meyer. In
his provocative and underrated book, “The Guilty Conscience
of a Conservative,” (I plead guilty to hagiolatry!) he
asserts that there are three Frank Meyers:
In Schiller’s prose: (Three)…emerge: the pragmatist,
calling libertarians and traditionalists to a temporary coalition
against their common enemies; the classicist, seeking reassertion
of the Western tradition as it existed…prior to the nineteenth
century; and the radical, rejecting the experience of the West
in favor of one true system of American fusionism…Meyer
the pragmatist…was invaluable to the American Right. Meyer
the classicist may, without too much presumption, be dismissed
as a wishful thinker; while Meyer the radical, condemning the
Hebrews, Greeks, and Medieval Christians for their failure to
anticipate James Madison’s theories of Government, is
as good an example of any of a conservative provincialist.”
On May
13th of this year, Donald Devine, of the American Conservative
Union, sent an urgent memorandum to Conservative leaders and
activists, in which he asked that Fusionism return. The most
prominent of his talking points was his request for conservatives
to produce a magazine like the NR of old, using the Buckley-Meyer
“formula.” (The reader can read the entire memo
on my Third
Way website).
Devine
admits of the demise of NR as a Reaganite publication as that
replaced by a Republican Establishment (Neocon?) journal. He
feels that neither paleo nor neo, but libertarian and traditionalist,
“ a fusionist conservative magazine puts the Reagan agenda
back of the political battlefield.”
If a new journal
emerges and the old fusionism returns, the credit should go
to Meyer. For all its flaws, “In Defense of Liberty”
apotheosized a time – an era when “satanic utopianism”
perished.
(NB: Frank S. Meyer
converted to Roman Catholicism shortly before his death).
This
is the second of 25 books Dr. Peppe will be reviewing as part
of the top 25 conservative books on political philosophy and
ideology. Seminal books such as "The Federalist Papers"
and "The Wealth of Nations" are not included in this
list because they are already on most lists of the top books.
Click
here for the rest of IC's top
25 books.
Dr.
Enrico Peppe is a retired educator who runs the website The
Third Way. A widower with too much time on his hands, he
spends most of his time reading and thinking about the conservative
movement, studying Catholic theology, working on his "Third
Way" website, listening to Sinatra and Miles Davis, and
admiring Ann Coulter.
Email
Enrico Peppe
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