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The One China Principle
by Michael Esparza
10 August 2005
Since
1949, Beijing has regarded the PRC as the sole legitimate government of all
of China, and regards Taiwan as merely a renegade province whose political
evolution towards democracy has been safeguarded by the U.S. nuclear deterrent.
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While most of the
world has its attention focused on the global war on terror, the People’s
Republic of China (PRC) continues its moves toward regional domination in
Asia. The PRC has announced that it would exchange nuclear strikes
with the U.S. in the event of a military confrontation. Its army and
navy have embarked on an unprecedented modernization effort, and the PRC’s
economic policy seems almost mercantilist in the way that it is amassing
American dollars and consuming world steel and oil.
To understand the PRC’s ambitions in the Far East, it is necessary to understand
the guiding principle of its foreign policy, commonly called the One China
principle. This policy has been reinforced and communicated to the
international community with the passage of an anti-secession law by the
National People’s Congress, which authorizes the use of force by the PRC
against Taiwan if it moves toward formal independence. If it is the
desire of Beijing to maintain cordial and stable relations with the United
States and in the Taiwan Strait, it must acknowledge that its “One China”
principle is no longer a viable option.
The One China Principle is the policy formally advocated by Beijing that
states that there is only one China, and both mainland China and Taiwan are
part of that China. In Beijing’s view, there exists only one geographical
region of China, which was split into two Chinese states (the PRC and ROC)
by the Chinese civil war. Now that the civil war is over, Beijing’s
official policy, in regards to Taiwan, is that this one China should be united
under one government.
Since 1949, Beijing has regarded the PRC as the sole legitimate government
of all of China, and regards Taiwan as merely a renegade province whose political
evolution towards democracy has been safeguarded by the U.S. nuclear deterrent.
The PRC believes it is not yet able to survive a nuclear confrontation with
the U.S. if it makes moves to take Taiwan by force; as a result, it continues
to bide its time and is determined to wait until circumstances permit the
unification of Taiwan by military means.
In the PRC’s view Taiwan cannot possibly be a sovereign nation. It
is merely a province that belongs to mainland China. The PRC also applies
this policy to territories in Tibet, Mongolia and Manchuria. In essence,
the One China Policy is a political ideology that announces to the world
that the PRC expects to acquire more territory than it presently holds.
Acknowledgment of the One China Policy is a requirement for all nations
that seek diplomatic relations with the PRC. Countries that have diplomatic
relations with Beijing recognize that the “Government of the People’s Republic
of China is the sole legal government of all of China... and Taiwan is an
inalienable part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China.”
In the case of the United States, the One China Policy is outlined in the
Shanghai Communiqué of 1972, which states that the “United States
acknowledges that Chinese, on either side of the Taiwan Straits, maintain
that there is but one China. The United States does not challenge this
position.” The consequence of this policy is that the United
States does not have formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and affairs
of state between the ROC and the U.S. are handled via private organizations
such as the American Institute in Taiwan or the Canadian Trade Office in
Taipei.
The current trend of nationalism and self-determination in Taiwan, as a separate
and distinct identity from those Chinese on mainland China, started rather
recently with the 1988 election of ROC President Lee Teng-Hui. The
first ethnic Taiwanese to hold top office, his election signaled to the PRC
the increasing “Taiwanization” of the government elite. This landmark
event served to end the relatively cordial period that had existed between
the PRC and the ROC for approximately seventeen years. As a result
of this change in the status quo, Beijing renewed its aggressive stance and
policies with regard to the subject of Taiwanese reunification.
The PRC disliked President Lee’s democratic reforms for many reasons.
First of all, they feared that a democratic liberal system of government
so near the mainland would challenge the Chinese Communist Party’s control.
In addition, Lee’s reforms punctuated the brutal suppression of the 1989
protests in Tiananmen Square. They showed the major differences and
attitudes of the two states on the subject of free government and human rights.
Most significantly, Beijing feared that Lee’s policies would lead to the
creation of either two Chinas or a sovereign Taiwanese state.
As for Taipei, it would not, under any circumstances, accept the premise
that Taiwan was merely a renegade province of mainland China. Concession
to such a premise would undo the political reforms that had begun in the
late 1970s and remove from power any administration that considered it valid.
In addition, the Taiwanese populace did not acknowledge, as legitimate, the
tenets of Marxist-Leninist or Maoist thought. The populace benefited
from the improvements in the quality of living brought about by western style
capitalism.
Taiwan’s political reforms and the evolution of a concrete Taiwanese identity
will undoubtedly continue. As a result, Taiwan’s electoral politics
will continue to showcase the concept of an independent Taiwan; and its elections
will continue to reflect the nation-building process.
If Beijing wishes to maintain the international status quo and be accepted
as a member of the international community, it must acknowledge that its
“One China” principle is no longer a viable option. In addition, the
Bush administration must take a long, hard look at its current policy in
regards to Taiwan. If it is to stand squarely behind its National Security
Strategy, the Shanghai Communiqué must be renounced, the Taiwan Relations
Act reinforced, and the PRC’s One China Policy officially declared as invalid.
Born
in Salem, New Jersey, Michael A. Esparza is a 34 year old Officer of the
U.S. Navy. He is also an International Studies Major with a Minor in Asian
Studies.
Email Michael Esparza
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