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Black Rednecks and White Liberals
reviewed by Dutch Martin
29 September 2005
Black Rednecks and White Liberals may be Thomas Sowell’s best work to date on contemporary racial, cultural and ethnic studies.
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As a scholar and
public intellectual, Thomas Sowell has never been afraid to tell it like
it is. His respect for logic, objective analysis, and a seemingly encyclopedic
knowledge of the history of the world’s many cultures and ethnic groups puts
him in a class all by himself. When it comes to pure scholarship
and critical thinking, Sowell is a gourmet chef in an industry infested with
short-order cooks.
In his new book, Black Rednecks and White Liberals
(Encounter Books, 2005), Sowell takes a virtual sledgehammer to the very
foundation of the leftist orthodoxy. I could literally hear that foundation
cracking and crumbling with each turn of the page. Consisting of six
hard-hitting, factually grounded essays, Sowell examines key beliefs behind
many actions, policies and trends trumpeted by the ideological Left which
have resulted in counter-productive and oftentimes dangerous consequences.
The biggest example today is liberals’ almost sacrosanct view of black ghetto
culture.
Sowell begins by tracing the origins of black ghetto culture all the way
back to the British Isles from which white American Southerners immigrated
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. These particular immigrants,
from the socially turbulent regions of the northern borderlands of England
and the highlands of Scotland, brought with them a set of pre-existing attitudes,
values and behavioral patterns which, as Sowell points out, had nothing to
do with the already existing American institution of slavery. These
pre-existing attitudes formed the basis of a “redneck” or “cracker” culture,
a culture consisting of “an aversion to work, proneness to violence, neglect
of education, sexual promiscuity, improvidence, drunkenness, lack of entrepreneurship,…
and a style of religious oratory marked by strident rhetoric, unbridled emotions,
and flamboyant imagery.” This was passed down to the white Southern
descendants of these northern English and Scottish immigrants, and would
soon become the cultural heritage of many Southern blacks.
Sowell points out that although most Southern blacks and whites moved away
from the redneck culture over the generations given its destructively counterproductive
effects, it survives today among poorest and least educated ghetto blacks
and, since the 1960s, has been revered by today’s white liberal elite.
Many liberal intellectuals celebrate black ghetto culture as “authentically”
black and denounce any criticism of it (or any attempt to change it) as “blaming
the victim.” As the author brilliantly puts it:
By
cheering on counterproductive attitudes, making excuses for self-defeating
behavior, and promoting the belief that “racism” accounts for most of blacks’
problems, white intellectuals serve their own psychic, ideological, and political
interests. They are the kinds of friends who can do more harm than
enemies.
This
condescending attitude toward black pathology also explains why most liberal
academics and education “experts” are quick to demand more money to fix failing
public schools, yet turn a blind eye to the manifold examples of inner-city
private and charter schools across the country that have a track record of
successfully educating poor minority schoolchildren. Sowell points
this out in his essay on black education.
In “The Real History of Slavery,” Sowell blows the lid off of the common
practice among liberals and black civil rights “leaders” of viewing the problems
of today’s ghetto blacks as “a legacy of slavery.” More importantly,
he provides a thorough understanding of an institution, as horrible as it
was, that had existed in virtually every inhabited part of the world centuries
before the emergence of Western civilization. For one thing, slavery
was never really about race; it was about the powerful taking advantage of the powerless.
In fact, racism was the result -- not the cause -- of slavery in America.
Furthermore, slavery was much more than merely an abstract moral issue.
The social and political realities of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
made slavery in America -- and the task of ending it, which ultimately culminated
into the American Civil War -- much more complicated than those prone to
making moral judgments today assume it should have been. Therefore,
for our Founding Fathers, simply ending slavery via, say, constitutional
decree was not only unfeasible, but virtually impossible given the reality
of their era. As the author poignantly puts it:
We
cannot assume twenty-first-century options, or even present-day knowledge,
when judging decisions made in the nineteenth century. Nor can we assume
that we have superior knowledge of the social realities of an earlier era
that we never lived through, compared to the first-hand knowledge of those
who confronted those realities daily and inescapably.
The rest
of the essays in the book are so comprehensive and thought-provoking (which
is typical Thomas Sowell), that it would take far more space to discuss them
than allowable for an 800-word book review. Suffice it to say
that Black Rednecks and White Liberals just might be Thomas Sowell’s best work to date on contemporary racial, cultural and ethnic studies.
Black Rednecks and White Liberals is available on Amazon.com.
Dutch Martin is a columnist for The Right Report and a member of Project 21, an African-American leadership network based in Washington, D.C.
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