Thoughtful conservatives (and that term is not an oxymoron) do
advocate for effective social welfare services for individuals genuinely
unable to provide for themselves. Conservatives are less inclined to
support widespread entitlement programs which provide for the welfare of
persons otherwise readily able to care for themselves (which is most of us).
However,
it has been a common liberal tactic to loudly proclaim some new universal
right or benefit, and to develop a program to extend to nearly everyone,
in order to gain widespread support for what in reality is an income transfer
program from the more well-to-do (including the large middle class) to the
less well-to-do. A prime example of this is the social security program.
Ostensibly established to prevent the experience of dire poverty for most
Americans upon retirement, in reality it is an income transfer program whereby
the relatively rich subsidize the poor, the widowed, the orphaned, the disabled.
Paradoxically, it is also an income transfer program that is ironically structured
so that African American men do not live long enough, on average, to collect
any retirement benefits, and hence end up supporting millions of white retirees.
This is not social justice.
Conservatives
believe that the rights to which Americans are entitled consist primarily
of the freedom from government interference in certain areas of their life,
the exercise of certain fundamental activities as enumerated in the Bill
of Rights found in the U.S. Constitution. Among these are the freedoms
of the press, of speech, of assembly, to petition government, of religion,
to keep and bear arms, freedom from excessive bail or cruel or unusual punishment,
freedom from the uncompensated confiscation of property by the Federal government,
etc. Among the few entitlements provided for in the Bill of Rights are the
rights to a speedy trial by jury, to legal counsel, and to confront witnesses.
From
a conservative perspective, Americans constitutionally have very few entitlements
to the provision of other forms of governmental services. There are
no constitutionally established federal ‘rights,’ for example, to be provided
with food, with housing, a pension, high wages, with medical care or employment,
prescription drugs, education, dental or optical care, podiatry or chiropractic
services, psychotherapy, or massages. These latter benefits, constituting
as they do costly services, or monetary payments, of necessity imply someone
pay for them. That ‘someone’ ultimately consists of the taxpayers,
who are forced via the income tax and other involuntary assessments to provide
for any such governmental services.
Someone
who has 10% of her wages deducted as income tax could be said to provide
a reasonable contribution to the larger society. Someone who has 100%
of her wages collected by the government, a person who works and receives
no earnings in return for one’s labor, is a slave. A worker who has
50% of her salary taken by federal taxation is only half a slave. Somewhere
in between a 0% and a 100% tax rate is a fair balance, and in general, conservatives
seek this balance. Not the complete freedom from taxation, but a more
reasonable rate than is presently inflicted upon most wage earners.
Conservatives note that in The Communist Manifesto,
Karl Marx advocated for “A heavy progressive or graduated income tax,” and
for the “Abolition of all right of inheritance.” Such policies remain
essential elements of contemporary liberal political platforms. In
contrast, conservatives believe that individuals have the right to keep as
much of their own earnings and property as possible, including the right
to pass on one’s estate to one’s spouse, children, other family and friends,
without having large portions of it confiscated by the State.
Karl
Marx also advocated for the eventual abolition of the traditional family,
with child care being provided for by the State. Conservatives believe
that the best care for young children is provided by their parents, not the
State, and tend to resist liberally-promulgated social policies which supplant
parental roles with state-provided care (e.g., taxpayer-supported day care,
early or after-school programming which substitutes for parent care, etc.).
We believe that federal taxation should be as low as possible, allowing citizens
and businesses to keep as much of their own earnings, earning which they
can spend as they see fit on the welfare of themselves and their families,
as being more likely to make wiser decisions on how to spend their money
than can the federal government. It takes a family to raise a child
-- not a government village or day-care program funded from the pocketbooks
of families. Keeping tax revenue as low as reasonable also acts as
a brake, slowing the growth of government which is an added benefit.
We believe
that public social welfare services should be funded and controlled by the
public at the lowest decentralized level of government as possible, with
decision-making residing at the level of the individual states as preferable
to federal oversight; county control preferable to state; and city over county.
To be sure, some services are best coordinated and provided for at the federal
level, services such as defense, postal mail, interstate transportation and
navigation, etc. There is no contention among serious conservatives that all
public services should be devolved to the lowest level of governance, only
those for which it is practical and more efficient, such as education.
What would you prefer, county and state control of elementary schools,
or a national system of federally controlled elementary schools? Which
system do you believe would be more efficient and responsive to local needs?
Nature tells us that there is strength in diversity -- and our democratic
system can profit from diverse laboratories of state-based innovation rather
than the actions of an unresponsive and distant federal bureaucracy.
Conservatives
generally value the sanctity of human life, and many (but not all) advocate
reducing the widespread availability of abortions on demand, for example
by prohibiting the medical aborting of third-trimester and otherwise viable
babies, or of permitting abortion for reasons of convenience (e.g., for birth
control). In our view, true social justice would be served through
public policies that would promote the mother carrying unwanted babies to
term, giving birth to these infants, and then giving them up for adoption
if the infant is not wanted by her parents. The mother’s nine months
of inconvenience are seen as a small price to pay for the preservation of
a single human life and all the joys associated with living for that new
person. Perversely, most liberal feminists (not to be confused with
the numerous conservative feminists) promote pro-choice policies which result
in the deaths of tens of thousands of fetal baby girls annually, and many
liberal African American leaders similarly support such laws permitting the
yearly abortion of tens of thousands of African American babies.
These practices, in conservative eyes, are not true social justice.
Indeed, terms such as ‘holocaust’ and ‘genocide’ come to mind.
But we
acknowledge that some areas of social policy are clearly conflictual within
the conservative camp. Perversely, many (but not all) conservatives
support the death penalty as a punishment and deterrent for particularly
heinous crimes (e.g., first degree murder). And conservatives are generally
(but not always) supportive of the earlier use of military force than are
liberals. We wish to promote lasting marriages, but most conservatives
want the state of legal matrimony restricted to unrelated heterosexual couples
and not extended to gay & lesbian, sibling, or parent-child couples or
to multiple partnerships. We acknowledge these conflicts, and work
toward resolving them, if possible.
Conservatives
support the free enterprise system as the most remarkably effective engine
for human progress known to history, and wish to place the smallest feasible
burdens and impediments as practical (not necessarily as possible) in the
path of the growth and development of entrepreneurial enterprises.
Some issues, such as protecting the environment, or in providing for worker
safety, call for a strong federal role. Others are best dealt with
at the level of state and local governments.
Conservatives do
support the provision of social welfare services to the most vulnerable members
of American society, to the intellectually or physically disabled, to those
truly destitute, to infants and children. That is why conservative
leadership and support was both essential and obtained in the passage of
federal legislation such as the establishment of social security programs,
the 1960's civil and voting rights acts (perversely, in the teeth of strong
southern Democratic opposition, led by individuals such as Democratic Representative
Strom Thurmond!), and the recent affirmative action and welfare reforms.
That is why under the conservative administrations of Presidents Reagan,
George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush, the federal budgets for health and
human services consistently increased! The Republican Party
(the party of Lincoln) was originally established as an anti-slavery party.
This led to the Civil War and the eventual emancipation of all slaves in
the United States.
But conservatives
believe that the most effective way to provide assistance is at the level
of the individual states, in conjunction with private, for-profit, market-driven
and not-for profit non-governmental organizations, and through faith-based
social service programs. These latter programs are nothing new, have
always played a major role in American social welfare,
and will continue to do so. We believe that this is a good thing.
We believe that it is usually desirable for decisions to be made at the local,
community level, as much as possible, and involve the views of consumers
of social welfare services. But we also believe that self-help, family-provided
assistance, help provided by local churches, temples and mosques, or by one’s
town, city or state, should be the first-choice service providers, where
feasible, with federal services the option of last resort.
Conservatives
believe that federal funds devoted to the provision of social welfare services
should be carefully expended to support evidence-based programs, those social
interventions backed by scientifically credible research indicating their
likely ability to help citizens, rather than hurt them. We generally
believe that social welfare programs should be carefully pilot-tested and
shown to be helpful before being implemented at the national level.
This will help avoid the premature funding and distribution of large scale
programs which may not be helpful.
Recent
examples include President Clinton’s spending hundreds of millions of dollars
during the 1990s in support of so-called family preservation programs, programs
which in many cases, subsequent research has shown to neither preserve families
nor protect children. On a smaller scale, again during the 1990s, Georgia’s
Democratic Governor Zell Miller spent millions of dollars to establish a
statewide network of so-called ‘boot camps’ for youthful offenders, programs
which some research has subsequently shown to result in higher levels
of youthful recidivism than alternative approaches to helping delinquent
youth. These boot camps were partially dismantled by Governor Miller’s
Democratic successor.
What
a waste! Such programs, however well intentioned, are not good examples
of the judicious expenditure of public funds. Potential social welfare
programs which survive pilot testing should have ongoing and continuous program
evaluation mechanisms built into them, and adequately funded, to ensure that
initially positive results do not gradually deteriorate over time.
Programs found to be ineffective should be improved or public funding eliminated.
Conservatives
believe it is neither practical nor wise to fund welfare programs solely
on the basis of ‘need.’ ‘Costs’ and ‘effectiveness’ also need
to be taken into effect, and consideration given to the social justice of
taking tax money for the middle class to provide services to some individuals
who may not really ‘need’ them. The needs of Americans for social care
and other services such as health care, far outstrips our ability to fund
such programs. The latest need which we are hearing about is that Americans
have a ‘right’ to prescription drugs. What next? Eyeglasses?
Contacts? Hearing aids? Dentures? Heart transplants?
Medications to treat erectile dysfunction? Acne medicine? Once
one accepts the implicit assumption that citizens’ ‘needs’ should be provided
by the State, there is literally no limit to how much those citizens who
are largely self-sustaining can be called upon to contribute, on an involuntary
basis via taxation, to the care of strangers. Legislators who advocate
robbing a small number of Peters to pay many Pauls can always rely on the
support of the voting Pauls.
Social welfare conservatives are not anarchists, advocating the abolition of government. We do
advocate for a smaller, less intrusive, and less well-funded federal government
than we currently enjoy. Social welfare services are necessary, but
federally provided social care is generally seen as less desirable than locally
established, controlled and funded programs. The principle of creeping
incrementalism functions as an almost irresistible force leading to the ever
expanding role of federal social care programs. The initially small
scale social security program has had its benefits gradually become ever
more inclusive. The proportion of one’s income liable to social security
taxation is gradually increasing, the percentage of tax enacted steadily
grows, while the age at which one can receive retirement benefits is slowly
increasing. Fraud in receiving social security benefits is common.
The families and friends of deceased persons continue to receive retirement
payments, and fraudulently ‘disabled’ people qualify for and receive SSI
benefits, benefits paid for with money taken from middle-class workers.
Conservatives are not driven by selfishness, but by a genuine compassion
for needy individuals, and by the desire to see them receive legitimately
effective programs. These are not always provided by the federal government.
Conservative
social workers labor as strangers in a strange land. The words of one
social worker writing in the April 2003 Issue of the NASW NEWS, the
flagship newsletter of the largest professional social work association,
are seemingly representative of the views of the majority of social workers:
“If you accept that social workers have an obligation to advance social justice
and that political engagement is a means to accomplish that end, then you
have to accept that we will reject conservative thought and conservative
politicians” (Newdom, 2003, p. 3). This is unfortunate as conservative
thought, practitioners and politicians have contributed much to genuinely
progressive social welfare policies and programs in the United States, and
will continue to do so.
References
Newdom, F. (2003, April). On politics and values. NASW News, 48 (4), p. 3.
Bruce
A. Thyer, Ph.D., is a Professor of Social Work and former Dean of the School
of Social Work at Florida State University.
Email Bruce Thyer
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